Since hostilities began in Afghanistan, approximately 2,400 U.S. troops have been killed there. Over 20,000 have been wounded. There have been over 1,700 American contractors killed as well. The death toll doesn’t include the hundreds of peacekeeper troops sent by our allies… the United Kingdom, Canada, France, Germany, Spain, Australia, Norway, Poland… the list goes on.
Thousands of families are having a horrible Christmas this year because they have lost a loved one to terrorists. And many of these deaths (and injuries) could have been prevented.
That private companies would pay money to our enemies in return for protection is shocking. It’s also against the law. The Anti-Terrorism Act prohibits providing funding for known terrorist organizations including the Taliban. We believe the millions of dollars paid to the Taliban resulted in the deaths and injuries to countless servicemembers and American civilians working in Afghanistan.
What is the purpose of sanctions designed at stopping the flow of money to terrorists if companies awarded multi-million dollar government contracts are quietly giving money to these very same terrorists?
U.S. Anti-Terrorism Act
The case against the eight big companies was filed under the Anti-Terrorism Act. There are multiple provisions in that law that give the government tools to fight those who finance terrorist organizations. Part of the law gives rights to victims of terrorism.
Pursuant to 18 U.S. Code sec 2333(a),
“Any national of the United States injured in his or her person, property, or business by reason of an act of international terrorism, or his or her estate, survivors, or heirs, may sue therefor in any appropriate district court of the United States and shall recover threefold the damages he or she sustains and the cost of the suit, including attorney’s fees.”
Anatomy of the Taliban Anti-Terrorism Act Lawsuit
Much of this post is devoted to the claims of injured and the families of those who died. They are certainly worth reading. Until recently, we had no idea just how often big business is in bed with our enemies.
It’s not just big business. Banks are involved with terrorism financing as well. Recently we saw cases involving HSBC and the indictments centered around California based Rabobank N.A. for allegedly helping Mexican narcoterrorists launder money.
The allegations in this case, however, go well beyond money laundering.
First, we will share the stories and allegations of the families. After that we will discuss cash whistleblower rewards which may be available for those with inside information about terrorism financing.
The complaint names hundreds of victims. We know there are tens of thousands of victims, however. That number is even higher when you consider those Americans and their families killed elsewhere in the world.
The defendants in this case are Black & Veatch, Centerra Group, Environmental Chemical Corporation, G4S Holdings International, DAI Global, Janus Global Operations, Louis Berger Group, Mtn Group and multiple of their affiliates.
The allegations are so incredible that we shall take each one individually. Because there are hundreds of plaintiffs, we simply can’t tell all of their stories. At the end of this post, however, we list them all. All are heroes.
The lawsuit was filed on behalf of over one hundred American service members and civilians, and their families, who were killed or wounded while serving their country in Afghanistan between 2009 and 2017. While these men and women worked to help rebuild Afghanistan, they were subject to constant attacks by the Taliban. According to many, the Taliban received financial support from several U.S. and multinational companies, most of whom were being paid by the U.S. government.
Why would companies knowingly finance terrorists? According to the plaintiffs they were motivated by profits. Sadly, we agree.
After the initial invasion of Afghanistan, the country was a mess. Uncle Sam issued billions of dollars in contracts to help stabilize the region and provide relief to the Afghani civilians. Big Western contractors wanted a piece of the pie. Some of them allegedly paid protection money to the very terrorists we were fighting.
We have to say allegedly because we anticipate all of the defendants will deny the allegations and because no one has yet been found guilty of any wrongdoing.
In the paragraphs ahead we believe you find ample evidence to back the victims’ claims. The evidence includes witnesses, internal emails and testimony. We are actively looking for insiders both to bring new anti-terrorism act cases. Since the defendants are also government contractors, we believe cash rewards are available under the False Claims Act. More on those rewards later.
Whether you help us in order to help the families of these fallen heroes or you help in hopes of receiving a reward, we need your help.
Congressional reports say that in 2005, the Taliban’s leadership council (“Quetta Shura”) developed regulations for extracting protection money from companies doing business in Taliban held areas of Afghanistan. Companies were told they could either pay the protection money or risk future attacks.
According to the lawsuit, the companies named as defendants elected to do pay.
“The details varied – some Defendants worked on development projects, others provided private-security services, while another operated a cellular-telephone network – but each owned valuable business assets in areas vulnerable to Taliban attack. To protect those businesses and grow their profits, Defendants paid the Taliban to leave them alone. The payments saved Defendants money: it was cheaper to buy off the Taliban… One American business owner who paid protection money described the typical mindset in slightly hyperbolic (yet no less revealing) terms: “We don’t need any security if the payments are made. Nobody f—s with us.”
Of course, not all companies paid protection money and many were not caught. (With your help we hope to bring even more claims.) Like we have seen with other corrupt companies, the protection money was simply viewed as a cost of doing business. No one seemed to care about the human cost of their actions.
The payment of this protection money was remarkably simple. The names defendants usually paid the Taliban through local subcontractors. That made it easier to avoid detection and prosecution. That they had to hide the payments is a sure sign that the companies knew financing terrorists was illegal. One variation was to hire Taliban insurgents as actual security guards!
Things were so bad that at one point a Taliban warlord employed by ArmorGroup allegedly got into a firefight with coalition forces. That is even more ridiculous when you remember that ArmorGroup was getting funding from the U.S. government meaning taxpayers.
According to the plaintiffs, the “defendants decided that buying off the terrorists was the most efficient way to operate their businesses while managing their own security risks – even though doing so jeopardized other American lives.”
Paying protection money to terrorists doesn’t reduce terror or violence. It actually has the opposite effect. The money raised through these protection schemes was simply used to fund additional terror attacks. Instead of blowing up and killing the dirty contractors, the Taliban used the money to attack our military and honest contractors who refused to pay.
In other words, the millions of dollars in protection money was used to buy more weapons and bombs. According to the complaint, “the Taliban openly identified anti-American terrorism as the reason it sought such payments. Given the Taliban’s own conduct, companies that chose to comply with its demands understood the consequences. They knew their payments would strengthen the Taliban’s terrorist insurgency, but they decided that their own personal interests were more important.”
One witness reports a Louis Berger Group employee saying, “They’re not all bad… [I]f they’re not disrupting my project, they are moderate Talibs.” A subcontractor of the company admitted that the guards hired by the company “were ex-Taliban, or even current Taliban, but the fact that they weren’t attacking us along the way – whatever worked for us worked.”
There are several defendants which we will simply call “ArmorGroup” for purposes of this post. That is mostly because the company changed hands several times during the time period relevant to this lawsuit. (Unless otherwise noted, the facts for this post are taken from the complaint. Although we believe every one of those allegations, they have not yet been proven in court.)
ArmorGroup North America had multiple government contracts for security in Afghanistan between 2007 and 2009. In today’s military operations, it isn’t unusual to have the United States government contract out security for State Department officials, embassies and military bases. (We have long been critical of these contracts and believe they are rife with overcharging. See our post on private military contractor whistleblower opportunities.)
Centerra Group is the successor to Armor Group North America. Defendant G4S Holdings is the successor to ArmorGroup International. The ArmorGroup companies also included ArmorGroup Services Limited and Armor Group Mine Action.
Yet another affiliate, their engineering and construction arm, was known as Environmental Chemical Corporation. It was the recipient of a $42 million dollar contract for the expansion of Shindand Airbase in Afghanistan. ArmorGroup received a contract for security at that facility.
There were many other contracts awarded to these companies. They included a $189 million contract with the State Department for security around the U.S. Embassy in Kabul.
The existence of contracts with the United States is significant in that opens up opportunities for cash whistleblower rewards. More on that later.
According to the complaint, Armor Group paid protection money to the Taliban for each of their contracts in Afghanistan. These contracts were worth “20 to 40 percent” of the contracts’ value meaning the Taliban was paid tens of millions of dollars. That is, tens of millions of dollars in taxpayer money!
The complaint says that a 2016 audit found unsubstantiated cash payment by Environment Chemical Corporation for “Afghan national laborers.”
The complaint also says, “With respect to the Shindand Airbase Contract, ArmorGroup North America – acting as subcontractor for ECC, with ECC’s approval – sourced its guards from two local Taliban cutouts: Nadir Khan and Timor Shah. ArmorGroup nicknamed them ‘Mr. Pink’ and ‘Mr. White,’ respectively, in homage to the criminal bank robbers from the Quentin Tarantino movie Reservoir Dogs. U.S. military personnel stationed nearby considered Mr. Pink to be a ‘mid-level Taliban manager.’”
Paying protection money to the Taliban was bad enough but Armor Group was alleging arming them too. When later questioned about giving guns and money to Taliban affiliated thugs, an ArmorGroup employee said, “I pay the guy direct, he signs for the amount that I gave him. And what he does with his money outside and thereafter . . . I can’t control that.”
On August 21, 2008, U.S. forces raided a home in an Afghani village in order to capture a high ranking Taliban leader. In the ensuing firefight, seven of the Taliban casualties happened to be working for ArmorGroup. Investigators found sensitive intelligence materials, Armor Group uniforms and “advanced munitions.”
And of the seven Armor Group guards killed by coalition. Forces? Armor Group replaced them with their immediate family members meaning they were most likely Taliban as well or at least hostile to our troops.
Two ex-Marines who went to work for Armor Group said the company’s management “had no regard for the security of the United States Embassy and was interested in only their stocks.”
Not surprisingly, State Department auditors later fired ArmorGroup and found many contract violations. That is where whistleblowers can help.
An Anti-Terrorism Act complaint is a powerful tool on behalf of victims of terrorism. In this case soldiers and contractors wounded or killed by the Taliban. The False Claim Act (federal whistleblower law) is a useful tool to punish these corrupt companies that put profits before patriotism and their duty to taxpayers.
After the firefight between Taliban linked Armor Group security personnel and U.S. military forces, the Senate Armed Services Committee held a hearing. In the words of Senator Carl Levin, Armor Group “helped play into the hands of the enemy” and were “creating the very threat they are hired to combat.”
In July 2011, Armor Group North America paid $7.5 million to settle a whistleblower claim filed by the company’s former director of operations. He received a $1,350,000.00 whistleblower reward.
DAI was the second largest U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) contractor in Afghanistan. (Louis Berger Group was first, more on them below.) USAID is the agency responsible for administering civilian foreign aid. It is funded with tax dollars. Through June of 2013, DAI Global had government contracts valued at $886 million.
The plaintiffs say that DAI Global, like the other defendants, paid protection money to the Taliban. And to conceal those payments, it relied on sloppy recordkeeping and lax internal controls. Auditors could not find records for millions of dollars of payments. Often the “tax” paid to the Taliban was disguised as “mobilization costs.”
DAI Global subcontracted security to a company called USPI that was a “discredited and now-debarred private-security company” that was also “a particularly notorious font of protection money for the Taliban.”
In September 2010, investigators from USAID found “indications that Afghan subcontractors working for DAI had paid insurgents for protection in remote and insecure areas of Afghanistan.” They also “found indications of pervasive fraud in DAI’s LGCD office in Jalalabad and indications of endemic corruption in Nangarhar Province.”
Janus Global Operations and EOD Technology
Janus Global Operations is the successor to EOD Technology. The latter company had contracts to for private security and explosive ordnance disposal. They too paid protection money to the Taliban between 2008 and 2012.
EOD received hundreds of millions of tax dollars from these contracts. Included was a $274 million contract for security at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul after Armor Group was fired.
The company all but admitted it paid the Taliban for security. In an interview with Senate staff, an EOD for Afghan operations said in response to a question about hiring local guards said,
“In the scope of Afghanistan, there’s a lot of tribal lines, commander lines. And those lines – you’re not supposed to cross them, okay?’ EODT’s logic in navigating those issues was simple: it ‘need[ed] the cooperation of all of [the commanders] to make sure that you don’t cross a tribal line or you don’t cross a commander line and step on their toes, which could be detrimental for  well-being. You know, I mean, if you’re going to travel, you need to be safe.’”
One of EOD’s government funded security contracts was for the Adraskan Training Center. The contract required a 350 person security force. EOD hired a local Afghani named General Wahab to staff the contract. He allegedly answered to the Taliban and was widely hated by U.S. forces.
Some of the guards that Wahab hired had just been fired by Armor Group for passing sensitive information. Allegedly EOD didn’t want to ask too many questions lest they hear the answers they expected.
Another source of guards was an insurgent named Mirza Khan (also known as Commander Blue). Khan was a former police officer who worked with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard’s Qods Force. The plaintiffs say he was an Iranian asset actively promoting anti-American terrorism. (Qods Force is a designated foreign terrorism group making it also subject to the Anti-Terrorism Act.)
Louis Berger Group
There are two Louis Berger companies named as defendants in the complaint, Louis Berger Group and Louis Berger International. For this post we simply call them Louis Berger or Louis Berger Group. A third company, Black & Veatch Special Projects Corporation had a joint venture in Afghanistan with Louis Berger Group.
All had government contracts. Collectively those contracts were valued at almost $2 billion. Those contracts included building power plants, dams, roads, medical clinics and schools. The contracts were administered by USAID.
The complaint said that the Louis Berger Group “openly worked” with insurgent fundraisers. One employee said, “If you don’t pay them off, they kill your security staff and your contractors. If you do pay them off, it exacerbates the problem for the future.” By paying protection money, Louis Berger evidently chose to jump in bed with our enemies.
In the words of the plaintiffs, Louis Berger Group “chose to pay and exacerbate the problem, strengthening insurgents who were killing American service members and civilians, rather than pursue alternatives that would have kept money out of the hands of the Taliban.”
The company also funded terrorists by relying on USPI as its lead security contractor. USPI was in turn was paying protection money to the Taliban.
In September 2008, USPI and two of its senior managers were indicted for fraud. Prosecutors said the husband and wife owners of the company fabricated invoices to Louis Berger which were ultimately paid by tax dollars.
Incredibly, after being indicted the founders of USPI allegedly formed a new company called Servcor and Louis Berger Group continued dealing with them despite knowing the owners had been convicted of fraud and debarred. Once USAID discovered the scheme, Servcor was debarred as well but not before receiving millions more in payments.
By creating false invoices, USPI created a slush fund and allegedly used those monies to make protection payments to the Taliban.
The plaintiffs said that Louis Berger knew the subcontractors were paying the Taliban but “didn’t want to know the details and that any payments should be classified as legitimate security expenses.”
The complaint also says that Black & Veatch and their joint venture were also paying protection money to terrorists. The prevailing feeling within the company was that it was better to pay the insurgents than hiring real security or using coalition forces for security or risking attack.
Despite the huge payments to the terrorists, the joint venture couldn’t even satisfactorily complete the job. The stretch of highway they were hired to build cost almost triple the original estimate and was falling apart within 6 months. Taxpayers suffered. Our soldiers and other American suffered with their lives and all while the contractors and Taliban were reaping the profits.
The Louis Berger Group entered into a deferred prosecution agreement with the Department of Justice in November of 2010. It admitted that it defrauded the government in connection with its Afghanistan contracts. The company’s chairman, CEO, CFO and Controller all pleaded guilty to wire fraud.
Ultimately, the Louis Berger Group paid $69.3 million. New Jersey’s U.S. Attorney said, “This fraud is about more than playing with the numbers to rip off the government. Funds that could have raised hope from the rubble instead padded the bottom line. This criminal conduct sends the wrong message to the world about what we stand for as a nation.” (The case was initiated by an accounting department employee turned whistleblower. The government didn’t say how much he or she was paid. Based on our knowledge of the settlement, we believe the award should have been $7.59 million.)
The company paid a second multi-million dollar settlement to the government in 2016, this time in connection with the allegations that it bribed government officials in India, Indonesia, Vietnam and Kuwait. Under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, the company agreed to a $17.1 million criminal penalty.
We are more concerned that much of the money paid to the company was funneled to the terrorists responsible for thousands of deaths and injuries to U.S. and coalition soldiers, American contractors and innocent civilians.
Summary of the Anti-Terrorism Lawsuit
As noted earlier the lawsuit against ArmorGroup, Louis Berger, DAI and EOD Technology is being brought by several hundred wounded servicemembers and the families of troops and contractors killed in Afghanistan by terrorists.
Under the Anti-Terrorism Act, those hurt by acts of terrorism can sue for triple damages against anyone responsible for those actions. Suing the Taliban isn’t fruitful. The deep pockets are the private security contractors and construction contractor who paid protection money to the Taliban.
By paying known enemies of the United States, they bought temporary peace for themselves but at the price of even more death and devastation to our troops.
The case will be anything but easy. The companies used third party intermediaries to pay off the terrorists and getting witnesses from war torn Afghanistan won’t be easy. Much of the case is based on government investigations but the plaintiffs do have a few insiders.
As whistleblower lawyers, we have a great track record of finding insiders. We are hoping to find present and former employees of these companies willing to help the families of the heroes killed in Afghanistan.
What is in it for us? Absolutely nothing. We simply want to do our part to help.
We are also interested in finding insiders to help us bring new cases on behalf of victims of terrorism. From our conversations with the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction and a State Department official in Pakistan, many of the contractors in the region are suspected of paying money to terrorists. We want to expose every one of those corrupt contractors and secure relief for all the American victims of terrorism.
The Anti-Terrorism Act and Whistleblower Rewards
Every violation of the Anti-Terrorism Act potentially is a violation of the False Claims Act. The latter law allows ordinary people with inside information about fraud involving government funds or government contracts to receive a reward of up to 30% of whatever the government collects from the wrongdoer.
If the contractor is getting paid by USAID, the State Department or military, government funds and programs are involved.
The private security and military contractors in Afghanistan and Iraq have a horrible reputation for corruption and overcharging. It’s not the men and women who work for these contractors that are behind the corruption. It is the people that own and run the companies.
If you evidence of wrongdoing, you may be eligible for a reward. More important than the reward, by reporting these crooked contractors you are saving taxpayers money and often protecting American lives.
The Anti-Terrorism Act doesn’t pay rewards but every government contract has a provision in which the contractor declares it is compliance with all laws and executive orders. Doing business with a terrorist organization violates the Anti-Terrorism law and therefor is also a violation of the False Claims Act.
In many instances, corrupt contractors are also paying kickbacks to local government officials. That type of conduct violates the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and offers more reward opportunities under the SEC Whistleblower Program.
Seeking Afghanistan, Pakistan & Iraq Whistleblowers
If you have inside information about violations of the Anti-Terrorism Act or know of American companies doing business with terrorist organizations – including banks laundering money for terrorists, contact us immediately.
All inquiries are protected by the attorney – client privilege and kept confidential. The privilege applies even if you never hire us.
Our goal is to protect Americans from terrorism. We will pursue companies that facilitate terrorism anywhere in the world. And when government contracts are involved, we will help you qualify for and collect a cash whistleblower reward.
Worried about retaliation? It’s illegal and federal law provides for double damages and attorneys’ fees and costs.
To learn more, contact us online, by email or by phone 800.669.7782. Attorneys located throughout the United States. We consider cases anywhere in the world.
The real heroes of this story are our fallen soldiers, contractors and their families. This post is not just about rewards or shutting down contractors who endanger our freedom and help the enemy.
Here is the honor roll – the Plaintiffs suing Louis Berger Group, DAI Global, Armor Group, Janus Global, EOD Technology and the others:
- Lt. Col David E. Cabrera Family
- Sgt Raymond C. Alcaraz Family
- The William Allen Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Private Billy G. Anderson Family
- Specialist Brian M. Anderson Family
- Cpl. Carlos A. Aragon Family
- Sgt Bradley W. Atwell Family
- Sgt Dillon C. Baldridge Family
- Sgt Kevin B. Balduf Family
- Captain Brandon A. Barrett Family
- Sgt William M. Bays Family
- Staff Sgt Thomas A. Baysore Jr. Family
- Staff Sgt Vincent J. Bell Family
- Special Operator (SEAL) Darrik C. Benson Family
- Brett Benton Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Cpl James Michael Boucher Jr. Family
- Specialist Francisco J. Briseño-Alvarez Jr. Family
- Major David L. Brodeur Family
- Harold Brown Jr. Family (US government employee)
- Staff Sgt Scott W. Brunkhorst Family
- Specialist Nicholas B. Burley Family
- Specialist Joshua R. Campbell Family
- Specialist Kevin Cardoza Family
- Specialist Joseph T. Caron Family
- Sgt Patrick R. Carroll Family
- Cpl Rick J. Centanni Family
- Private Benjamen G. Chisholm Family
- Staff Sgt Rusty H. Christian Family
- Specialist Chazray C. Clark Family
- Cpl Jonathan Cleary
- Sgt Timothy J. Conrad Jr. Family
- Sgt Major Robert J. Cottle Family
- Staff Sgt Ross Cox Family
- Specialist Robert W. Crow Family
- Specialist Justin E. Culbreth Family
- Staff Sgt Joshua J. Cullins Family
- Sgt Marcus Dandrea Family
- Sgt Devin J. Daniels Family
- Staff Sgt Jonathan D. Davis Family
- Staff Sgt David P. Day Family
- Sgt Matthew J. DeYoung Family
- Private John P. Dion Family
- Corey J. Dodge Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Corporal Max W. Donahue Family
- Staff Sgt Stephen J. Dunning Family
- Sgt Erich Ellis
- Sgt First Class Kenneth B. Elwell Family
- Sgt Richard A. Essex Family
- Lt. Jered W. Ewy Family
- Specialist Garrett A. Fant Family
- Specialist Jason D. Fingar Family
- Corporal Michael L. Freeman Jr. Family
- Corporal Ronald D. Freeman Family
- Sgt Joseph M. Garrison Family
- Sgt Kendra Garza Family
- Specialist William Joseph Gilbert Family
- Paul Goins Jr. Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Sgt First Class Wyatt A. Goldsmith Family
- Sgt Kristopher J. Gould Family
- Specialist Douglas J. Green Family
- Corporal Matthias N. Hanson Family
- Corporal Scott D. Harper Family
- Private Devon J. Harris Family
- Corporal Joshua A. Harton Family
- Corporal Jose A. Hernandez Family
- Lieutenant Daren M. Hidalgo Family
- Gunnery Sgt Floyd E.C. Holley Family
- Corporal Kevin Honaker
- Corporal Abram L. Howard Family
- Michael A. Hughes Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Sgt Eric M. Hunter Family
- Staff Sgt Jesse Infante Family
- Sgt Michael K. Ingram Jr. Family
- Specialist Ryan P. Jayne Family
- Specialist Timothy L. Johnson Family
- Sgt Denis D. Kisseloff Family
- Major Edward Klein
- Sgt Brandon Korona
- First Lieutenant Brandon J. Landrum Family
- Corporal Jacob C. Leicht Family
- Sgt Jared Satoshi Lemon Family
- Sgt Andrew R. Looney Family
- Specialist Russell E. Madden Family
- Staff Sgt Kyle Malin Family
- Specialist Chase S. Marta Family
- Corporal Ethan J. Martin Family
- Specialist Wyatt J. Martin Family
- Staff Sgt Chauncy R. Mays Family
- Staff Sgt Mecolus C. McDaniel Family
- Richard P. McEvoy Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Private Richard L. McNulty III Family
- Corporal Dale W. Means Family
- Sgt Nicholas D. Mendes
- Corporal Paul J. Miller Family
- Staff Sgt Shaun M. Mittler Family
- 2nd Lieutenant Travis A. Morgado Family
- Specialist Donald S. Morrison Family
- Specialist Brandon S. Mullins Family
- Specialist Thomas Paige Murach Family
- Staff Sgt Christopher R. Newman Family
- Chief Warrant Officer Bryan J. Nichols Family
- Sgt Andrew C. Nicol Family
- Private Adam J. Novak Family
- Corporal Nicholas S. Ott Family
- Dane Clark Paresi Family (contractor Xe Services)
- Sgt Joseph Michael Peters Family
- Specialist Jared C. Plunk Family
- Specialist Brandon Joseph Prescott Family
- Corporal Lucas Todd Pyeatt Family
- Special Warfare Operator (SEAL) Thomas A. Ratzlaff Family
- Specialist Jesse D. Reed Family
- Sgt Michael E. Ristau Family
- Sgt First Class Edgar N. Roberts III Family
- Sgt Mario Rodriguez Jr. Family
- Staff Sgt Jason A. Rogers Family
- Captain Matthew D. Roland Family
- Angel Roldan Jr. Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Captain Nicholas J. Rozanski Family
- Staff Sgt Rex L. Schad Family
- Sgt Jacob M. Schwallie Family
- Sgt Derek L. Shanfield Family
- Private Amy R. Sinkler Family
- Specialist Wade A. Slack Family
- Specialist Deangelo B. Snow Family
- Technical Sgt Kristoffer M. Solesbee Family
- Staff Sgt Orion N. Sparks Family
- Private Tyler M. Springmann Family
- Sgt Kyle Brandon Stout Family
- Sgt Joshua J. Strickland Family
- Barry Sutton Family (contractor DynCorp Intl)
- Sgt First Class James E. Thode Family
- Staff Sgt Allen R. Thomas Family
- Sgt Jesse R. Tilton Family
- Captain Ryan Gregory Timoney Family
- Master Sgt Aaron C. Torian Family
- Private Kevin Trimble
- Sgt Michael Verardo
- Specialist Nickolas S. Welch Family
- Staff Sgt Matthew J. West Family
- Staff Sgt Leston M. Winters Family
- Jeremy Jason Wise Family (contractor Xe Services)
- Corporal Randal P. Wright Family
- Staff Sgt Sonny C. Zimmerman Family
Most of the people listed above died of their injuries. Each has a story. We don’t have room to tell all their stories and no words could ever capture the grief of family and friends.
For those who survived, their suffering continues.
In no particular order we randomly selected two of the hundreds of plaintiffs in this case. We hope to demonstrate that when we fund terrorists, real people die. People like Corporal Jonathan Cleary and Lance Corporal Ronald Freeman.
Corporal Jonathan Cleary served in the United States Armey. He was injured in May 6, 2012 in an IED attack. As a result of the blast, he lost his right leg, suffered massive head trauma, many broken bones and two collapsed lungs. That he survived is a credit to our trauma nurses and surgeons in Afghanistan.
He is alive today but suffers every day.
US Marine Corps Lance Corporal Ronald Freeman was killed on August 28, 2011 in an IED attack. He is survived by his wife Katie and a young son and daughter.
Help us prevent more tragic deaths and injuries.
For more information, contact us online, by email or by phone at 800.669.7782.